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OLITICS

Changing A Political Mind

by John Preston

There was a time when Leo McCarthy, Speaker of the Assembly of the California Legislature, was not a particularly strong ally of the gay movement. In fact, many activists were upset when McCarthy won the race for Speaker over long-time friend of gay people Willie Brown in 1974.

But the election of the San Francisco Assemblyman to the Speaker's chair has hardly been a disaster for gay people. McCarthy has proven himself a strong proponent of gay rights in the past few years and his support helped assure passage of the consensual sex bill this session-the bill sponsored by his old rival, Willie Brown.

What happens to turn a legislator's mind around? How does an admittedly once up-tight politico become a comfortable ally of the gay movement?

McCarthy scoffs at the idea that it has to do with the pressure of gay voters. He points to a map of his Assembly district and describes its middle-class, heavily ethnic population. "If I asked them, only 25% of my constituency would say 'Vote for a gay rights bill.'"

Gay activists had something to do with the process. McCarthy especially remembers meeting with California organizer Jim Foster two years ago. But, he really considers his own personal contact with gay people among his friends and coworkers to have been at least as important.

Gay liberation has done much, in his view, to alter stereotypes through media work, marches and testimony in Sacramento. Equally important is "The higher selfesteem people have for themselves. You have to respond to it."

McCarthy believes others in the

Assembly have also come a long way in changing their attitudes. "There's still a lot of unconscious. prejudice, though. The same person who wouldn't call someone 'nigger' will slip and say 'faggot."

The passage of Brown's bill after many attempts is proof of that progress. McCarthy admits having lobbied votes for the bill.

Speaker Leo McCarthy

but with a smile refuses to say who or how many votes he may have influenced. "Let's not put anyone on the spot. They might have come to the right decision themselves."

McCarthy also used his power in the state capitol to overcome the Reagan regime when its conservative appointments tried to block funds approved for the gay Whitman-Radclyffe Foundation.

McCarthy's greatest hang-up about gay rights had been the issue of public sex. He described his process of breaking down his own stereotype of all gay men being in public johns. He feels it's still a major issue for many legislators

and one that cannot be dealt with in a consenting adult law.

"You can't justify legislation just by saying that because a lot of people are doing something, it should be legal. The best argument for gay rights is the most simple one: What an individual or individuals do in private is no one else's business."

What about strategy? How does this highly skilled politician think the gay movement can make the most progress? He says a few well spoken lobbyists can go far, but only if they're supported by a grassroots constituency.

"You have no idea how effective a letter writing campaign can be. If a senator receives, say, 300 letters, he has to take notice. People in every place where there's a bill going on should be organized to write their legislators. Politicians are interested in what their voters want. The most skilled lobbyist can't be effective without a constituency."

This year, in California, the process has been better, more sophisticated. In the past, some activists clouded the issue by using gay rights as a tool to attack the entire "establishment."

"If you want gay rights, then go after gay rights. Jargon doesn't help anyone at all." McCarthy also noted that some activists assumed too much knowledge on the legislator's part. In past years, talk about "everyone's bisexuality" for instance, made the issue unnecessarily personal for the legislators.

McCarthy isn't sure how the Brown bill will fare in the California Senate. "It's a toss-up." But he advises gay people to watch their senators carefully and to make sure "supportive" political figures truly are supportive.

In LA's Fifth, It's All Rights

by Gary Jones

LOS ANGELES, CA-Zev Yaro-. slavsky, candidate for the fifth district city council seat vacated by Ed Edelman, edged out former councilwoman Rosalind Wyman and slipped into the May 27 runoff with frontrunner Fran Savitch in the Apr. 1 balloting.

Both candidates are courting the gay vote now, and both have publicly stated they will vote for the Stevenson-Wachs Fair Hiring Bill (guaranteeing employment rights for gay and single people) if

elected.

Yaroslavsky said that he was "very gratified that we made it into the runoff." He stated, before the primary elections, that the hiring proposal had his unqualified support and that he would oppose discrimination by the government. and its various agencies.

Although Savitch had told the ADVOCATE she had "problems" with the Stevenson-Wachs proposal (Issue 160) because she thought there might be legal difficulties in asking the police department to accept people who "state law says are criminals," she has apparently

resolved her "problems," perhaps with a little help from L.A. Mayor Bradley who has been working at getting a better image in the gay community.

Savitch now concedes that employment security is "fundamental" to all people, and in an interview with a local gay publication displayed a sensitivity to a wide range of gay interests rarely to be

found in public officials.

(Ed note: Long-time friend of the gay community, Joel Wachs, won a handy victory in his second district primary and will retain his city council seat without a run-off. Meanwhile, many candidates have lined up to oppose Peggy Stevenson for the 13th district seat and more than a few of her opponents claim to support gay rights.)

Muskie Goes Along

CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA-Senator Edmund S. Muskie (D-Maine) was stopped for a moment by a question on gay rights at a speech at the University of Virginia but recovered and said he would support legislation to eliminate discrimination against gay people in employment and security clearances.

Muskie said that these proposals are a "legitimate goal," but hedged when asked if he would

work for them.

"You have to decide which horse you're going to ride," Muskie said, implying that he didn't consider such issues of paramount importance.

The bigger issue Muskie apparently had in mind at his University appearance was the 1976 Presidential race. Commenting on President Ford's current problems, Muskie said, "If I'm ever President, I hope I'm elected."

Page 6

THE ADVOCATE

May 7, 1975